ABSTRACT
This study explores the experiences of Aboriginal child protection workers in relation to the rewards they derive from their work, challenges faced and the kinds of support they find most beneficial. Six participants who live and work in a rural setting were interviewed using an open-ended interview style. Results showed that Aboriginal workers find satisfaction in helping their own people and improving the effectiveness of child protection interventions. The challenges identified revolved around non-Indigenous child protection workers not understanding the knowledge of Aboriginal workers, the reactions of clients to the workers and living in an Indigenous community. Supports included cultural identity and belonging, supervision, team support and debriefing with other Aboriginal workers. A fourth cluster emerged from the responses. This was about feeling valued. The responses indicated that workers in professional roles feel more valued than those in support roles and that they feel valued when non-Indigenous workers take an active interest in the community. Implications for retention of Aboriginal workers and cultural awareness training are discussed.
INTRODUCTION
“Making a difference for my mob – that’s what motivates me.”
Historically, Aboriginal people have been the recipients of social services, not active participants in their development and delivery (Green & Baldry, 2008). Aboriginal people have been subjected to external control of most aspects of their lives and especially child protection services (McDonald et al, 2008). And even though significant advances have been made in the last ten to fifteen years to start to give back control, the systems that have been developed continue to reinforce the notion that Social Work interventions are the best response to child abuse and neglect in Aboriginal communities (Blackstock, 2009). Cultural awareness training, culturally sensitive practices and recruitment of Aboriginal workers still run the risk of being merely tokenistic if they are developed and controlled by non-Indigenous government departments and service providers.
In the health sphere, it has long been recognized that Aboriginal health workers are a key strategy for improving Aboriginal health care as they bring special qualities to the management of social, emotional and mental health issues in Aboriginal communities (Hecker, 1997; Parker, 2003; Murray & Wronski, 2006). Their knowledge of clients’ cultural and social backgrounds adds enormously to the quality of care that can be provided (Panaretto & Wenitong, 2006). This is brought home by Nagel and Thompson (2006) who found that significant improvements in Aboriginal mental health care in the ‘Top End Mental Health Services’ coincided with the employment of Aboriginal health workers in the inpatient unit.
Aboriginal workers themselves also feel there are benefits in working in their own community. A group of urban Aboriginal family services workers in Canada find satisfaction in having a sense of belonging, helping each other out, having the trust of their neighbours, knowing local realities, being part of established networks, building from within the community, shared values, similar experiences and contributing to supportive organizations in the area (Brown, Fraehlich and Debassige, 2013).
With this in mind then, it is timely that the experiences of Aboriginal child protection workers in Australia be explored. This article discusses the rewards and challenges for six Aboriginal child protection personnel who primarily work in their own community in rural Australia. Their clients live in a discreet community and the surrounding towns. There does not appear to be any literature published to date focusing on the experiences of this cohort.
Challenges to be Overcome
Indigenous workers must deal with a range of stresses by virtue of being Indigenous. Indigenous Alcohol and Other Drug (AOD) workers in Australia identified a range of sources of stress, some of which are specific to the AOD field. Other stresses include insufficient support for solo workers, juggling multiple responsibilities, meeting the expectations of both their community and the organization, lack of respect for Indigenous workers and Indigenous ways of working, racism within the organization and non-Indigenous community, stigma associated with alcohol and drug work and the Aboriginality of clients and workers, complex personal circumstances including family members being clients and grief, loss and sorry business (Roche et al, 2013a).
Other stresses arise from organizational structures. Dedicated Indigenous positions, for instance, is one strategy that has become common in efforts to better address the needs of Aboriginal people. However, there is often only one worker in a workgroup. That person is naturally quite isolated. In addition, such Aboriginal workers straddle two worlds. They usually carry unrealistically high expectations of both the organization and the community because they speak the same language and come from similar cultural backgrounds as their clients. They are expected to be the messenger between bureaucracy and community while they relate, function and flourish in both their community and their organization (Bessarab & Crawford, 2010; Herring et al., 2013; Tsey, 1996).
Increasing the number of qualified Aboriginal workers in child protection, health, education and other professions has been another key strategy. However, students often face the same barrier as employees. Students frequently find themselves to be the only Aboriginal student in the class. All too often they feel singled out, isolated and shamed (Cameron & Robinson, 2013). The end result is that many cannot complete their studies due to emotional, not intellectual, hurdles.
Cross et al (2013) and Cameron and Robinson (2013) identified the following barriers to success for Indigenous students, some of which bear similarities with the stresses experienced by Alcohol and Other Drugs Service (AODS) workers:
- Universities not understanding cultural obligations such as sorry business and refusing to be flexible in order for students to meet both cultural and university responsibilities;
- Inaccurate information taught in text books;
- Lack of cultural support from faculty and students resulting in students feeling culturally disconnected;
- Little Indigenous content in courses making it difficult for students to see how to apply what they are learning to Indigenous communities.
Confidentiality is another major issue to be resolved. Organizational and professional Codes of Ethics have strict guidelines around sharing information but in small rural communities, especially discrete Aboriginal communities, it is almost impossible to avoid some blurring of the boundaries. In fact, for Maori workers it is ‘unthinkable’ that they should refuse to work with other Maori known to them just because of the risk of breaching confidentiality (Thomas and LaGrow, 1994, p.87).
Grief and loss are experiences all too familiar to Aboriginal workers. They are frequently touched by loss in their own families and community. The personal impact is exacerbated in discrete rural communities where people’s lives and history are so closely intertwined. Added to personal losses is the stress of dealing constantly with traumatized clients and the resulting problems of unemployment, poor education, substance abuse and violence (Panaretto & Wenitong, 2006).
Locally generated models of intervention are also encouraged and lauded as a strategy for meeting the needs of Aboriginal communities and clients but all too often, they flounder and peter out for lack of funding and resources. One of Bessarab and Crawford’s (2010) participants stated “There is a cultural framework for how we deal with social issues but funding providers won’t change their funding guidelines to be responsive at the local level” (p.184).
Managing the Challenges
In spite of these challenges, a range of factors that contribute to effective social services have been identified in the literature. Some focus on supporting the individual workers who must find ways of coping with their own stress. Other strategies target the systemic factors that make work difficult for Aboriginal people.
Individual stress management techniques
Roche et al (2013) reported that AODS workers found strategies such as going home to community, spending time with family and friends and debriefing work issues were most useful for dealing with stress.
Cross et al’s (2013) students identified that having Indigenous lecturers who could be role models and mentors would be of enormous value in supporting Indigenous students. They also reported that field placements with Indigenous Social Workers and with Indigenous clients would enable them to see the relevance of their studies to the practice of social work in communities.
Systemic responses
Hecker (1997) makes the point that Aboriginal health workers need to be empowered to fulfil the roles and meet the responsibilities that their dedicated positions were created for. Health care hierarchies often continue to accord Aboriginal workers little status. Aboriginal workers are often not included in decision-making so their effectiveness is undermined by the organization itself even while it invests in strategies to try to improve its services to Aboriginal clients.
Education is a critical element in creating a sustainable Aboriginal workforce. Literacy is fundamental and that begins in the schools. Education opens many doors to opportunity and the ability to make wise lifestyle choices (Tsey, 1996). This brings us back to the need to support Aboriginal students in universities because qualified Aboriginal school teachers have a unique opportunity to foster a ‘school attending’ culture within their communities ( Slee, 2012). Increasing Aboriginal employment, valuing learning and enabling access to relevant training are key factors in addressing effective care of children and their families in Aboriginal communities in Western Australia (Bessarab & Crawford, 2010).
Along with education, structural change is needed to strengthen families. Over-representation of Aboriginal children in care is largely due to factors such as poverty and substance abuse because these issues cause parents to be less able to care for their children (Blackstock & Trocme, 2008). Poverty influences parenting by increasing stress, depression, irritability and feelings of hopelessness and helplessness, all of which erode the parents’ ability to protect and care for their children (Friesen & Brennan, 2008).
Socio-economic factors such as poverty have sometimes been treated as interchangeable with neglect of children by child protection workers who have never faced such structural barriers to parenting. Poverty is lamentable but, in itself, it is not a justification for removal of a child (McDonald et al, 2008). Therefore, parenting practices need to be understood within the context of the family’s culture, community, social and economic circumstances and the unique characteristics of the child.
As the system in which parenting occurs, the family needs resilience, and as the context in which the family system operates, the community also needs to be strengthened (Friesen & Brennan, 2008). Empowering communities and building their capacity to deal with the social issues facing them is not something which can be imposed on them or done for them. A lack of genuine involvement in decision-making is exploitation in a different guise (Herring et al, 2013). To develop and deliver effective services, open dialogue with the community is necessary so that a shared vision, trust and mutual respect can develop (McDonald et al, 2008). People need to feel that interventions are connected to their lives, that they are involved and that the interventions are not someone else’s agenda (Herring et al, 2013).
Governments must invest in relationships where the right of Aboriginal people to make the decisions affecting them is upheld in practice not just rhetoric (Blackstock, 2009, Bessarab & Crawford, 2010). In New Zealand, it has been recognized that local culture needs to be the primary source informing practice development. By recognizing and incorporating cultural concepts, more effective, culturally authentic interventions have been developed (Mumford & Sanders, 2011).
A final theme which arises in the literature is the role of healing and reconciliation in effective social services. Auger (2012) describes a movement in Canada involving a reconciliation process between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people which has enabled culturally relevant concepts of child welfare to emerge. In a similar vein, Bessarab and Crawford (1010) and McDonald et al (2008) state that what is needed is community-based, locally developed intervention models that allow people to heal the anger and hurt which leads to the alcohol and drug abuse, violence and poverty underlying child abuse and neglect. Aboriginal participants at the Western Australia summit called for “Safe places for cultural healing to occur and for this to be resourced within communities” (Bessarab & Crawford, 2010, p.183).
METHOD
Participants
The research participants were the six Aboriginal child protection workers attached to a rural, but not remote, agency. They were selected on the basis that they identify as Australian Aboriginal, their main occupation is in the child protection field and they live and work in a rural area. Five participants were female and one was male. They have worked in the child protection field between three and twelve years. Two work solely with Aboriginal clients and four spend approximately seventy-five percent of their work time with Aboriginal children and families.
Procedure
Three themes emerge from the literature reviewed. First, there are inherent rewards for Aboriginal professionals working with Aboriginal clients. Second, there are unique challenges attached to this model of service provision. Third, Aboriginal workers need support in order to have any longevity in their roles. Therefore, these three areas were explored in this current study.
An open-ended interview was conducted with each of the participants. Twelve questions were used as prompts to explore the participants’ experiences in terms of the rewarding aspects of their work, the challenges they face in working with Aboriginal families as well as working with non-Indigenous workers, and things they have found to be most supportive in their roles. The questions were designed to facilitate discussion about the participants’ perceptions in a positivist model, as described by Silverman (2010), rather than focussing purely on their feelings about their work.
The researcher was a colleague of all the participants. As such, the interviews built on a certain degree of shared experience in child protection and pre-existing trust. However, the interviewer is also a non-Indigenous woman enquiring about what it is like to be an Aboriginal worker. Therefore, the researcher was careful to attempt to present herself as a humble learner (Silverman, 2006) rather than a fellow child protection worker.
Interview responses were first broken down into single thoughts and then analysed to sort them into clusters. Individual responses were then further analysed to identify related items. These were grouped into factors each comprised of a united theme.
RESULTS
The interviews yielded 163 responses which each expressed a single idea. 152 of those related to the three areas being explored, i.e. the rewards associated with being an Aboriginal child protection worker, the challenges of the role and what contributes to workers feeling supported in their role. 41 responses related to the ‘Rewards’ cluster, 44 to the ‘Challenges’ cluster and 67 related to the ‘Supports’ cluster.
Of these, six factors were identified in the Rewards cluster, six factors in the Challenges cluster and seven factors emerged from the Supports cluster.
In addition, a number of participants made comments that reflected on how valued they feel as Aboriginal workers. Eleven responses, grouped into three factors, related to a fourth cluster titled, ‘Feeling Valued’.
The interviews evoked one factor in each of the clusters that stimulated significantly more passionate discussion than the other ideas raised. “Helping my own mob” was the most common reward mentioned. “Non-Indigenous child safety workers not understanding the knowledge of Aboriginal workers” was the most common challenge identified. “Personal experience and values” stood out in the Supports cluster, being mentioned 16 times, although “Cultural identity and belonging” was also frequently mentioned at 12 times. There is some similarity in the content of these two factors although the responses were clearly distinct enough to warrant keeping them separate.
Rewards
Table 1: Factors contributing to the cluster of job rewards.
| Factors | Examples of Responses |
No. of items |
| Helping my own mob |
|
14 |
| Creating better lives for children and families |
|
6 |
| Keeping children connected to culture and family |
|
6 |
| Keeping children out of the child protection system |
|
6 |
| Helping the Statutory Government Department do a better job |
|
5 |
| Helping families understand the child protection system |
|
4 |
The work of Brown et al (2013) and Roche et al (2013b) indicated that Aboriginal workers report that helping out where they grew up, giving back to their own community, working with their own people, building up their community and interpreting ‘mainstream’ issues for their community are some of the rewarding aspects of their roles. Brown et al’s factors are consistent with the factors ‘Helping my own mob’, ‘Creating better lives for children and families’ and ‘Helping families understand the child protection system’ listed in Table 1.
Roche et al (2013b) found that AODS workers reported that the altruistic aspects of their work and the support of their co-workers contributed most to their job satisfaction. Likewise, virtually all of the job rewards listed in Table 1 revolve around helping people and creating better lives for children and families.
This present study identified other rewards that are more specific to child protection work. For example, ‘Keeping children out of the child protection system’, ‘Keeping children connected to culture and family’, ‘Helping families understand the child protection system’ and ‘Helping the Statutory Government Department do a better job with Aboriginal people’ are functions which occur in the context of child protection work but are still altruistic in nature.
Challenges
Table 2: Factors contributing to the cluster of job challenges.
| Factors | Examples of Responses |
No. of items |
| Non-Indigenous child protection workers not understanding the knowledge of Aboriginal workers |
|
14 |
| Being aware of the difficulties Aboriginal people face |
|
8 |
| Families getting angry |
|
7 |
| Living on community |
|
6 |
| Being criticized by my mob |
|
6 |
| Usual job stresses plus personal, social and cultural pressures |
|
3 |
The literature reviewed indicated that three factors, in particular, make the role of Aboriginal workers more challenging. These factors are:
- the perception that their opinions are not validated (Hecker, 1997; Parker 2003)
- living and working in the same community leading to conflicts of interest (Roche et al, 2013a, 2013b)
- the effect of grief and loss and past family events (Roche et al, 2013a, b).
Table 2 lists several similar comments. Some participants noted that their advice is questioned or ignored and that non-Indigenous workers sometimes appear to be more influenced by non-Indigenous foster carers than the Aboriginal workers. Some workers feel that a few families don’t like working with them because they don’t want the worker knowing their business and two participants spoke of the family, social and cultural pressures that affect them.
The factor, ‘Being aware of the difficulties Aboriginal people face’ highlighted that, for many Aboriginal families, day-to-day survival is still the predominant reality. This is unlikely to present a challenge only for child protection workers. Brown et al’s participants made some similar statements such as “Identify problems people here face daily” and “To provide support for struggling people” (2013, p.1139) which suggests that family service support workers are also aware of this issue.
Supports
Table 3: Factors contributing to the cluster of supporting Aboriginal workers.
| Factors | Examples of Responses |
No. of items |
| Personal experience and values |
|
16 |
| Cultural identity and belonging |
|
12 |
| Knowing the child protection system |
|
11 |
| Recognition of role limitations |
|
9 |
| General supervision and team support |
|
8 |
| Debriefing with other Aboriginal workers |
|
7 |
| Professional training |
|
4 |
Brown et al (2013) found that ‘Sense of belonging’ and ‘Similar values’ were two factors that their participants described as benefits of working in their own community. Thomas and LaGrow (1994) believe that knowledge of their culture and family history are essential for Maori workers if they are to be effective. Cross et al (2013) reported that American Indian college students who have a strong, positive cultural identity are more likely to succeed in the college environment and complete their degree.
Similarly, Table 3 shows that ‘Cultural identity and belonging’ supports Aboriginal child protection workers in their role. Knowing the families, being part of the community and being accepted contribute to their sense of identity and belonging. A strong connection and commitment to their ‘mob’ is a powerful source of strength.
Table 3 also shows that a strengths-based practice framework is seen as being better for families than the more forensic approach often adopted by child protection investigators. These statements reflect the culturally appropriate way of working described by Aboriginal social workers in Bennett et al’s work (2011), that is, being relaxed and non-invasive in speaking to clients, focusing on the strengths they already have.
In this study, participants also spoke frequently about the importance of relationships at work and debriefing with colleagues in feeling supported at work. ‘General supervision and team support’ is important but this study also identified that having other Aboriginal workers to talk to is even more helpful (‘Debriefing with other Aboriginal workers’). Several participants identified that it is hard to be the only Aboriginal worker, so supporting each other is very important. Brown et al (2013), Roche et al (2013a) and Roche et al (2013b) all suggest that culturally appropriate training and support, supervision, teamwork and professional development are essential.
Table 3 shows that four responses identified the importance of formal training. Training was also cited by Hecker (1997) as a key factor in enabling Aboriginal health workers to be effective in their roles. Unless the community see them as having professional expertise, Aboriginal workers will not be accepted. Being Aboriginal is necessary but not sufficient.
Feeling valued
Table 4. Factors contributing to the cluster of Aboriginal workers’ experiences of feeling valued.
| Factors | Examples of Responses |
No. of items |
| Being listened to |
|
5 |
| As a professional officer but not as a support worker |
|
3 |
| Non-Indigenous child protection workers taking an interest in the community |
|
3 |
It was expected that feeling devalued might emerge as a challenge facing Aboriginal workers. Hecker (1997) and Roche et al (2013b) have noted that Aboriginal health workers face organizational and systemic challenges such as exclusion from decision-making processes, racism and stigma which undermine their sense of being valued in their roles. However, most of the responses relating to feeling valued in Table 4 were expressed as a positive experience so it appeared that a separate cluster of experiences was being described. Therefore, ‘Feeling valued’ is included as a fourth cluster.
One of the factors that Hecker postulated might contribute to feeling devalued is lower levels of professional qualifications held by many Aboriginal workers. Interestingly, one of the participants of this study has the experience of having worked in a support role prior to furthering her qualifications and moving into a professional position. She remarked on the contrasting attitudes of non-Indigenous workers towards her expertise as an Aboriginal person, not simply as a child protection worker, in the support versus professional roles.
DISCUSSION
Many of the thoughts expressed by the participants in this study are consistent with findings reported in the literature. This suggests that the experiences of Aboriginal workers and students in various fields such as rural Alcohol and Other Drugs Services, primary health care and Family Services have a good degree of commonality. This also appears to be the case in various settings such as urban, rural and remote communities and in different countries such as Canada and New Zealand.
Rewards not identified in the literature
However, child protection is a specialized field and, as expected, several factors unique to the child protection field were described by these participants. Factors directly related to child protection which Aboriginal workers found satisfying were categorized as ‘Keeping children out of the child protection system’ and ‘Helping the Statutory Government Department do a better job’.
For example, one participant shared a story of arranging family contact for young children in Cairns who had been removed by the Department of Child Safety from their families in Arnhem Land. Such a situation is specific to child protection work.
‘Keeping children connected to culture and family’ included themes of the satisfaction participants gained from telling children cultural stories and helping them feel proud of where they come from. It is likely that these themes could be relevant to workers in other fields where workers are involved with children, such as education.
Challenges not identified in the literature
Challenges facing Aboriginal workers not previously mentioned were ‘Families getting angry’ and ‘Being criticized by my mob’. These factors are not necessarily specific to child protection work but may be more likely to occur when statutory interventions are imposed on people.
Because the work of child protection is reminiscent of past government policies of forced removals, many Aboriginal people are fearful of child protection workers. All the participants described having to deal with anger and criticism by Aboriginal families but they felt that this anger is directed more at the government department than at them personally.
Supports not identified in the literature
‘Personal experience and values’ emerged as a factor that has not really been previously identified in the literature. Some of the items such as “values and ideals of family unity, respect, education and equity” are not specific to child protection.
However, other items are more likely to relate to child protection than to other fields. One participant had been a child in care and she spoke of the impact of that on her as a worker. Generally it is her lived experience that motivates and supports her in coping with her work. Another spoke of the poor choices some parents make which leads to child protection authorities becoming involved with their families. She sympathizes with them but her belief that we all have the power to choose drives her to help these parents make better choices.
‘Recognition of role limitations’ refers to the support organizations can give when they recognize cultural obligations and the impact of various relationships on Aboriginal workers. Supportive organizations are flexible in service delivery so that Aboriginal workers are not expected to undertake tasks that compromise their position in the community or their cultural and family responsibilities.
‘Feeling valued’ factors not identified in the literature
As the participants discussed their experiences, several comments were made that relate more to a sense of being valued specifically as an Aboriginal worker than the clusters of rewards, challenges and support which were being investigated. Although non-Indigenous workers include Aboriginal workers in planning and decision making, Aboriginal workers may not necessarily feel that their expertise is valued. Feeling valued appears to be linked to whether or not non-Indigenous workers act on the knowledge and advice provided. It is also linked to genuine interest in the history and experiences of Aboriginal people and active involvement in the Aboriginal community.
Implications for cultural competence
Most models of cultural competence consist of knowledge of the culture including the effects of colonization and government policies, customs, language and community relationships, plus social work skills and the professional’s own values (Weaver 1999; Panaretto and Wenitong, 2006). However, Ortega and Faller (2011) believe that knowing a lot about another culture can contribute to maintaining power because non-Indigenous workers can start to believe they are experts in Aboriginal culture. Skills and values may not necessarily lead to a sensitive use of such knowledge.
Bessarab and Crawford (2010) conceptualize cultural competence in terms of having skills plus the ability to use them. Non-Indigenous workers need to acknowledge that they don’t know what it is like to be Aboriginal and how Aboriginal people think. They refer to this as ‘Cultural Literacy’ and report this as a key factor in effective child protection work with Australian Aboriginal families.
Ortega and Faller’s (2011) concept of ‘Cultural Humility’ would seem to take this a step further. Cultural humility is built on an awareness that we cannot know everything about other people, awareness of our own cultural bias, and recognition of the power imbalances that inevitably exist between the dominant culture and Indigenous cultures. One participant in this study observed that non-Indigenous workers sometimes appear to take more notice of non-Indigenous foster carers than of the Aboriginal worker. While this is unlikely to be deliberate, this observation speaks directly to the need for cultural humility and self-awareness of cultural bias.
Another participant feels that non-Indigenous workers sometimes ask for information and advice but then ignore it. A third worker stated, “Non-Indigenous workers need to be willing to listen and value my expertise.”
Child protection agencies already hold an inordinate amount of power in interactions with Aboriginal clients. The findings of this study, supported by the literature, suggest that current practice is not always as culturally respectful and sensitive as the agencies assume. The ability of non-Indigenous workers to relate to Aboriginal clients should perhaps be assessed against a ‘cultural humility’ model rather than the ‘cultural competence’ model.
Implications for cultural awareness training
Herring et al (2013) believe that most cultural competency frameworks and cultural awareness training have little long-term impact on practice because they fail to adequately address the ongoing trauma legacies from past government policies and the ongoing experiences of racism Aboriginal people experience. Green and Baldry (2008) agree that understanding the effects of colonization and dispossession is fundamental if issues of social justice, such as over-representation of Indigenous families in the child protection system, are to be adequately addressed.
One participant expressed a desire to be able to talk about her life growing up in an Aboriginal community, what it is like to live there now and the issues facing Aboriginal people. Perhaps hearing their colleagues tell their personal stories might add an extra dimension to the cultural awareness training already delivered by child protection agencies.
Implications for retention of Indigenous workers
Supervision
Participants indicated that the supervision and team work already offered by their child protection agency is a valuable support. However, Aboriginal workers also need culturally relevant support. For example, several participants identified that it is very difficult to be the only Aboriginal worker in a child protection government office. Herring et al (2013) suggest that solo Aboriginal positions are generally unsustainable. Agencies need to take this into account in establishing designated Aboriginal worker positions, recruitment and the provision of extra support where there is a sole worker.
Several participants described the value of debriefing with each other and having an Aboriginal mentor for supervision. Such a supervisor could be within the organization or an external person. Regular face-to-face meetings should be considered where possible.
Role descriptions
Clarity about what role Aboriginal workers are expected to fill is another factor which requires attention. Murray and Wronski (2006) noted that the designated ‘Aboriginal Health Worker’ title in rural areas has often been loosely applied to a range of Aboriginal workers doing transport, liaison or advocacy functions rather than clinical work. Three participants in this study reported that they feel more valued for the general support work they do than for the unique contribution they can make as an Aboriginal worker.
In the last year or so, one worker’s role has been clarified and she is now assigned tasks that directly utilize her expertise as an Aboriginal person. She stated that she finds this much more fulfilling than her previous generic support worker role. Child protection agencies need to ensure that Aboriginal workers are treated as capable and they are included as active and valued members of the team (Brown et al (2013). Defining the organization’s expectations of Aboriginal workers and the unique role they can play is the first step. Assigning and equipping them to then fill those roles is the next step in fostering longevity in the role for Aboriginal workers.
Respecting cultural obligations
Validating cultural obligations and difficulties for Aboriginal workers when they are asked to do investigations with Aboriginal families, work with close relatives or work with people in the community with whom they have had conflict was also appreciated by several participants. Organizations need to accommodate these unique pressures that Aboriginal workers face. They must also be flexible enough to respond to such limitations and needs.
Ensuring cultural humility
Finally, organizations need to promote and provide opportunities for non-Indigenous workers to become informed about ongoing trauma legacies and racism, to take a stance on addressing inequity by ensuring the workplace is a safe and supportive place for Aboriginal workers and clients and by reaching out to the Aboriginal community through spending time consulting with community members (Herring et al, 2013). Such a process would increase the cultural humility underpinning effective work with Aboriginal clients.
CONCLUSION
The results of this study and previous research leave little doubt that Indigenous workers in child protection, support services, health and allied health fields are highly motivated to help other Indigenous people in their own communities. As one participant poignantly stated, “Making a difference for my mob – that’s what motivates me.”
The challenge for government and non-government agencies is to support Indigenous workers effectively so that they can make a difference.
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Christelle Withers-Mayne
Unpublished article
09/04/2020
For information about the author go to www.cwmpsych.com.au